Mathew on Monday: hatred against Jewish People and Muslims must be confronted – together

The shocking attack overnight on a Jewish volunteer ambulance service in London should horrify anyone who believes in a decent, civilised society. Four vehicles belonging to Hatzola, an organisation providing lifesaving emergency care, were deliberately set on fire in what police are treating as an antisemitic hate crime.

Let us be absolutely clear about what this represents. This was not just vandalism. It was not just criminal damage. This was an attack on a community, on people trying to save lives, on the very idea that we can live together in mutual respect. It must be condemned without hesitation or qualification.

But if we are serious about confronting hatred, we must also be consistent. Just as antisemitism must be called out wherever it appears, so too must the growing problem of anti-Muslim hatred in our country. Britain has also seen attacks on mosques and violence directed against Muslims in recent times, including incidents linked to rising Islamophobic rhetoric.

There is a dangerous temptation in politics and on social media to treat racism and religious hatred as if they are competing problems. As if acknowledging one somehow diminishes the other. As if we must choose which prejudice we take seriously. This is not just morally wrong. It is intellectually bankrupt.

Hatred is hatred. Whether it targets a synagogue or a mosque. Whether it is directed at a Jewish paramedic or a Muslim family. Whether it comes from the far Right, the hard Left, religious extremism, or conspiracy-fuelled online toxicity.

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Did the Party accidentally vote for a Surveillance State?

A social media ban for under-16s is a controversial topic, it’s a measure many consider authoritarian, but some see the potential value; after all, social media has been linked to declining mental health in children. But a ban would be the worst solution, not only due to the fact it could disconnect vulnerable children from their communities as others have already warned, but because it is in fact a potential national security risk. Banning Social Media for under-16s could only work in one way; through the establishment of mass-surveillance.

As we have already seen with the need for ID to view content for over-18s, this surveillance state would not be Government owned, but outsourced to private companies. This is dangerous for a few reasons, most obviously being that these companies already collect and sell our data for a profit to whoever wants to push their agenda, whether that be harmless advertising or more worryingly, political manipulation. Additionally, whichever company got hold of all this data would instantly become a focal point for data breachers who would want access to a whole range of private accounts, from your bank account to your phone.

Sarah Kunst, who is involved with several Lib Dem donor groups had the following to say to me on the topic:

I invest in cybersecurity and the ban has me freaking out because the only way to enforce it is handing over all biometric data and IDs to companies like Persona (backed by Peter Thiel, already gives info to the US Government). It will be the biggest betrayal of British people possibly ever because, if there is a hack of the biometric database, it will mean that everyone is forever compromised (unless you get new eyes!) and the fraud vector is unimaginable. I truly think supporting it is treasonous and I cannot fathom how security services didn’t shut this horrific idea down.

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From Devon to York: why the Conference Access Fund matters

I arrived in York late on Friday night after a long drive up from Devon, tired but excited. By Saturday morning, that excitement had to do some heavy lifting, the journey had taken its toll. But a gentle drive through the Yorkshire countryside, past Selby and into the city, was enough to reset my energy. Conference weekend had begun.

Walking into the Barbican, I was immediately struck by the scale. Having attended Welsh conferences before, I thought I knew what to expect, but this was something else entirely. Busier, louder, and full of excitement. I started in the exhibition hall, spending some time at the Liberal Democrat Disability Association (LDDA) stall, before taking a lap of the venue to get my bearings (a necessary task, as it turned out!).

One of the first things I did was head across the city to a training session on “Winning against the Greens.” We rightly spend a lot of time discussing how to challenge the far-right, but this session explored another growing political reality: the rise of left-wing and far-left support. As a trade unionist, I see this shift up close. With disaffiliation from Labour being discussed increasingly in some unions, there is a real opportunity, and responsibility, for the Liberal Democrats to present a credible alternative: rooted in evidence, compassion, and liberal values, not populism.

Back at the Barbican, it was time for one of the moments I had been most invested in: the debate on policy motion F12. As a member of the Liberal Democrat Psychoactive Policy Group, I had been involved in work behind the scenes to strengthen the motion, particularly to include pharmacologically assisted therapies, such as psilocybin. When I was unexpectedly called to speak early in the debate, it became my first speech at Federal Conference. I spoke from lived experience, both as a mental health patient and as someone working within mental health services, about why these treatments matter, and why this is a fundamentally liberal approach to policy. I also referenced the recent Welsh Liberal Democrat motion supporting medical cannabis patients, highlighting how our party can lead with compassion and evidence.

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This week in the Lords – 23-27 March 2026

We’re getting close to the end of the Parliamentary cycle now, as the Labour Government strives to get as much of its legislation through as it can before the House rises in anticipation of a King’s Speech in early May. And there’s much to keep Peers busy this week.

Bills

Today sees Day 3 of the Report Stage of the Pension Schemes Bill. Monroe Palmer will seek an amendment requiring the Government to report on the impact of market consolidation on competition and new market entrants within a year. Also, John Thurso seeks to make provision for lump sum payments from the Pension Protection Fund to persons who qualify for an increase in periodic compensation for pre-1997 service to compensate for unpaid increases in the years since the failure of the pension scheme.

On Tuesday, the English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill has the first day of its Report Stage. As a parish councillor, I fret about Section 60 of the Bill, which talks about “effective neighbourhood governance”. Given this Government’s seeming lack of respect for Town and Parish Councils, there is a fear that such arrangements will circumvent an existing and continuing tier of government, in favour of their fetish for “strong leaders”. Cathy Bakewell has an amendment in to make “rural affairs” as an area of competence of strategic authorities, whilst John Shipley wants to insert a requirement for Community Empowerment Plans. In addition, Robin Teverson is moving amendments to effectively ensure that Cornwall isn’t merged with, say, Devon under one combined authority. There will be a second day set aside for the Bill on Thursday.

Peers will be busy on Wednesday, with the Third Reading of the Crime and Policing Bill, plus “ping pong” on the Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill and the National Insurance Contributions (Employer Pensions Contributions) Bill, where Opposition Peers will decide whether or not to have another go at persuading the Government to accept their attempted amendments.

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Education in 2050: Preparing Today for Tomorrow’s Schools

Imagine a classroom where every student is learning something different, guided by technology that adapts instantly to their needs. Some collaborate with peers across the world, while others receive tailored support from artificial intelligence tutors. The teacher is no longer delivering a single lesson to the whole class, but acting as a mentor, supporting creativity, discussion, and critical thinking. This is not a distant fantasy, but a realistic picture of education in 2050.

The schools of the future will look very different from those many of us remember. Traditional models: rows of desks, fixed timetables, and a heavy reliance on memorisation; are already evolving. By 2050, education is likely to be more personalised, more connected, and more closely aligned with the demands of a rapidly changing world. The challenge for governments today is not whether change will come, but whether they are prepared to shape it.

A defining feature of future education will be personalised learning. Advances in artificial intelligence will allow lessons to adapt in real time to each student’s progress. Instead of moving at the same pace, learners will receive support or acceleration as needed. This approach has the potential to make education both more effective and more equitable, ensuring that no student is left behind or held back.

Technology will also transform the role of teachers. Rather than serving primarily as sources of information, teachers will increasingly become facilitators of learning. Digital tools will assist with grading, feedback, and routine tasks, freeing up time for educators to focus on developing students’ creativity, critical thinking, and emotional intelligence. In this way, technology will enhance, rather than replace, the human element of teaching.

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Welcome to my day: 23 March 2026 – a gentle tip of a toe into the icy water?

It’s been a long time since I last wrote one of these. In truth, I’ve not been entirely in the right frame of mind to do so, not quite as engaged as I might be. But there’s a lot happening in the world, and Liberal Democrat Voice is the place for Liberal Democrats and others of similar mind to discuss them, so here I am, bright-eyed and bushy-tailed on a springtime Monday morning.

I guess that the most pressing order of business is whether or not the United Kingdom is being drawn irrevocably into a war not of our making. What is the difference between attack and defence, and who does that really matter to? The Iranian political leadership aren’t exactly going to be referring to international law if they define Britain as a combatant, regardless of what Keir Starmer or anyone else in our Government claim, yet we have a moral responsibility to protect those under fire across the region and to extract those British nationals trapped in the Gulf through no fault of their own.

But, regardless of what view you take as to our level of involvement, one thing that is abundantly clear is that reliance on fossil fuels extracted in less than entirely friendly nations is a risk that a nation like the United Kingdom simply should not be taking. Fuel security is going to an issue, whether we address it collectively with our European neighbours or by upping our game in terms of home-based renewables.

And we’re not alone in facing that challenge, as Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy MEP, the Dutch Chair of Renew Europe’s working group on sustainability and structural policies said a week ago:

European citizens are feeling the consequences of higher energy prices directly in their pockets. European leaders have to quit being in denial. We need to act decisively to reduce our dependence on energy imports: invest in clean energy, expand electricity grids and make homes for energy efficient.

It’s another reason why Reform UK’s opposition to renewable energy is yet another reminder that they don’t want a strong and independent United Kingdom, but a vassal state to whichever strongman they’re cosying up to this week.

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Lib Dems in the top 100 Women in Westminster

From the Archbishop of Canterbury to journalists and broadcasters to civil servants and political advisers to MPs and Peers, Politics Home announced its 100 Women in Westminster for 2026 which you can find here. Three Liberal Democrats made it in: Wendy Chamberlain, Daisy Cooper and Caroline Pidgeon.

Here’s what was said about them and you can see the entire 100 here.

Wendy Chamberlain

“Wendy is a considerate and hardworking constituency MP who combines genuine care for the people she represents with tireless dedication at Westminster,” one nominator told us. “Her thoughtful leadership as Chief Whip, her commitment to modernising Parliamentary culture and her unsung work for the History of Parliament Trust showcase her integrity and determination, making her an inspiring example as a role model for others.’

Daisy Cooper

“Daisy Cooper has been direct and authentic in communications, principles and conviction, not just standing for Liberal Democrat values but as an influential humanitarian,” one nominator wrote. “In these uncertain times, her Liberal Democratic voice is much needed and highly valued.”

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President Bola Tinubu ‘s state visit to the United Kingdom, a Nigerian Liberal Democrat’s take on it. 

President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria came to the United Kingdom for a State visit from 18th to 19th March. This is a historic event as it is the first state visit by a Nigerian leader since 1989, when then military head of state Ibrahim Babangida was received by late Queen Elizabeth II. President Tinubu is the first Nigerian president to receive a state visit since the return of democracy to Nigerian in 1999. Considering the historic relationship of Nigerian and United Kingdom as Nigeria is a former colony, and Nigeria itself as a key player in the African continent and most populous black nation in the world, the visit signals a thawing of relationship between the two nations, which can only be a good thing for the two nations. 

Is it as simple as that? Is it all positive and we can all clap and cheer for this positive move in global geopolitics? No, hold the champagne and let’s examine the implications and the issues that this visit tries to gloss over. The impression that this visit gives is that Nigeria is doing well and that this administration has turned things around for the citizenry. Nothing could be further from the truth. Nigeria is worse off by every measure since the All Progressive Congress (APC) party of Tinubu took over in 2015 under former president Buhari, now late. And since Tinubu himself took over in 2023, things have gotten even worse; terrorism has continued to rise, kidnapping, banditry, economonic hardship, corruption and mismanagement of resources have all become all too common, to the point of being routine in Nigeria. Nigeria has always been known as a corrupt nation; it was former PM David Cameron who famously said that Nigeria was fantastically corrupt under Buhari’s APC administration, but it would now be argued that the government under Tinubu has made corruption under Buhari seem like a dress rehearsal. 

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Rape cannot depend on politics – a liberal lesson from 7th October

Liberal Democrats believe in universal human rights. The response to evidence of sexual violence on 7th October should be straightforward. Yet too often, when the victims are Israelis, the instinct to “believe survivors” suddenly becomes contested.

If rape is used as a weapon of war, liberals should have no difficulty condemning it. That should be true whether the victims are in Bosnia, Ukraine, the Democratic Republic of Congo – or Israel. And yet, in the aftermath of the 7th October attacks, a disturbing double standard has appeared in parts of Western political debate. Evidence that women were sexually assaulted during the massacre has not been met everywhere with solidarity or outrage, but with hesitation, scepticism and, in some cases, outright denial. For those of us who believe in universal human rights, that should be deeply troubling. If recognition of sexual violence depends on the politics of the conflict, the principle itself is hollow.

The attacks carried out by Hamas that day were among the worst terrorist atrocities in modern history. Around 1,200 people were murdered, and hundreds more taken hostage. Alongside the killings, evidence quickly emerged that sexual violence – including rape – had taken place during the assault. Investigators, journalists, first responders and eventually international bodies reported signs that women had been sexually assaulted during the attacks and while in captivity. And this week, the 7th October Parliamentary Commission publishes its second report into the atrocities committed that day. Its work matters because documentation and evidence are the foundation of accountability. Without them, atrocities risk being lost in political argument and misinformation.

For decades, progressives rightly pushed for a cultural shift in how societies respond to allegations of sexual violence. Survivors were too often dismissed, interrogated or disbelieved. Feminist activism taught that survivors should not be met first with scepticism, but with seriousness and compassion. Yet when Israeli women are among the victims, the standards of belief suddenly appear to change. Some who would normally insist on listening now demand levels of proof rarely available after mass atrocities. Where are the police reports, they ask. Where is the forensic evidence? Where are the witnesses willing to testify publicly? Anyone familiar with conflict-related sexual violence knows why those questions are so difficult to answer. Many victims were murdered. Crime scenes were not preserved because emergency workers were focused on saving lives and recovering bodies. Families understandably wish to protect dignity and privacy. These challenges are tragically common in wartime atrocities and precisely why international law has evolved to investigate and prosecute sexual violence in conflict through tribunals and the International Criminal Court. To treat them as evidence that crimes did not occur risks undermining that entire system.

Our Party is committed to liberal internationalism, so the response should be simple. Sexual violence in conflict is a grave violation of humanitarian law. It must be investigated wherever it occurs and whoever commits it. If we demand accountability in some conflicts but dismiss allegations in others because they complicate politics, we erode the credibility of the entire human rights system. The rule of law cannot function on selective outrage. Nor can feminist foreign policy succeed if empathy depends on the identity of the victim. Recognising sexual violence as a weapon of war and supporting survivors wherever it appears is not optional. Anything less is partisanship, not feminism.

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ALDC by-election report, 19th March

There was one principal council by-election this week, on Tuesday. After a previous absense on the ballot here, we were able to stand a canddiate.

In Wales, vote splintering meant that Reform UK were able to gain this seat from an independent, albeit with an unconvincing share of the vote. Thank you to Sam Warden and the local team for flying the Liberal Democrat flag.

Pembrokeshire County Council, Milford Hakin
Reform UK: 179 (27.1%, new)
Conservative: 144 (21.8%, +0.5%)
Independent (Bridges): 106 (16%, -14%)
Green Party: 85 (12.9%, new)
Liberal Democrats (Sam Warden): 57 (8.6%, new)
Independent (Edwards): 52 (7.9%, new)
Labour: 27 (4.1%, new)
Independent (Abbott): 11 (1.7%, new)

Reform GAIN from Independent

Turnout: 32.7%

Thank you to all of our candidates, agents, and campaign teams. A full summary of these results, and all other principal council by-elections, can be found on the ALDC by-elections page here.

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Why Liberal Democrats should back cooperative housing

In my last article, I argued that democratic capitalism should not stop at the ballot box. But the argument should not stop at the workplace either. If Liberal Democrats care about dispersing power, we should care about housing too.

For liberals, that means resisting concentrations of power. For liberal social democrats, it also means asking whether ordinary people have sufficient security, voice, and control within the institutions that shape their daily lives. Housing is one of the clearest tests of that question.

Housing is not just another market commodity. It shapes security, family life, community belonging, and whether people feel they have any real control over the conditions of their lives.

That is why housing cooperatives deserve more attention. They allow residents to become collective stakeholders in the places they live, rather than passive recipients of decisions made elsewhere. Their appeal is not just economic; it’s about empowering people through democratic control and shared governance, giving them a meaningful say in their communities. Recognising housing as a key site of power should inspire us to act for a fairer distribution of influence and security.

That speaks directly to a liberal social-democratic concern. A fair society should not rely solely on redistribution after the fact. It should also build institutions that spread power, widen security, and give people a stake from the outset. In housing, that means looking beyond the narrow choice between an overcentralised state and a speculative market, and taking seriously models based on shared control and mutual responsibility.

There is a strong case for community politics in cooperatives. They help keep resources rooted locally, reduce wealth leakage, and foster stability and self-reliance. Supporting them can strengthen political efficacy and economic resilience, a point that should resonate with those who believe in empowering local communities.

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From parking spaces to living spaces: the opportunity hiding in NCP’s collapse

National Car Parks entered administration this week, and the coverage has followed a predictable script: jobs at risk, iconic brand in trouble, another casualty of post-pandemic Britain. All true. But the real story isn’t about what’s being lost. It’s about what could be gained.

NCP operates 340 car parks across the UK – at airports, hospitals, railway stations, and city centres. That’s 200,000 parking spaces sitting on some of the most strategically located urban land in the country. Land with road access, public transport links, and existing planning permissions for intensive use. And right now, it’s available at a fraction of its market value.

The government should be picking up the phone.

What killed NCP – and why it matters

The company’s debts exceeded its assets by £305 million. Demand for city-centre parking never recovered to pre-pandemic levels, and NCP was locked into long-term, inflexible leases on sites it couldn’t afford to operate. The business model broke because people’s behaviour changed: more remote working, fewer commuter journeys, a gradual shift away from the car-dependent patterns that made NCP profitable for nine decades.

This isn’t a temporary blip. It’s a structural correction. And structural corrections create structural opportunities – if someone is willing to act.

The opportunity: triage, don’t rescue

The case isn’t for bailing out a failed business. It’s for acquiring a portfolio of strategically important land and infrastructure out of administration at distressed prices, then putting it to work for the public good.

A sensible approach would triage the sites into three categories. First, the essential infrastructure: car parks at hospitals, airports, and major transport hubs where parking isn’t a convenience but a necessity. These should be acquired and leased to local authorities or NHS trusts to operate, generating revenue while protecting access to critical public services.

Second, and this is where it gets exciting, the city-centre sites where parking demand has permanently declined. These are large, flat plots or multi-storey structures on generous footprints, sitting in exactly the locations where Britain most desperately needs social housing. The land is already serviced, already accessible, and already zoned for intensive use. Mixed-use development with retained ground-floor parking could serve both needs simultaneously.

Third, sites that are neither strategically important nor suitable for housing get sold back into the private market, with the proceeds helping fund the first two categories.

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Democratic capitalism should not stop at the ballot box

Liberal Democrats are, at our best, a party of power and of how it is used, utilising social-democratic and liberal ideas.

We have long understood that freedom is not secured simply by declaring rights. It depends on how power is distributed across society; who holds it, who can challenge it, and whether it is accountable. That instinct has shaped our commitment to constitutional reform, civil liberties, and the decentralisation of the state.

But there is one area where this liberal insight remains underdeveloped: the economy.

We pride ourselves on living in a democratic society. Yet for most people, the place where they spend a third of their lives, the workplace, remains one of the least democratic institutions they encounter. Decisions about how work is organised, how profits are distributed, and how firms are run are typically made without meaningful input from those most affected.

Traditional social democrats have responded to this through trade unions, and rightly so. Unions remain an essential part of a fair economy, giving workers a voice and protection within existing structures. But even at its best, this model operates within a system that separates labour from ownership, requiring workers to organise collectively to negotiate with those who ultimately hold power.

A liberal social-democratic approach invites us to go one step further. It asks not only how we protect workers within the system, but how we design the system itself so that power is more evenly distributed from the outset.

This is where worker cooperatives deserve renewed attention.

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Why Liberals must extinguish the so-called ‘Culture Wars’ 

On Tuesday afternoon, I found myself scrolling Twitter – as one does (even if it invokes a sense of despair) – and could not help but feel disgusted by how so many speak of their peers. Social media has always brought out antisocial tendencies in some people, and it’s a well-studied psychological phenomenon. Except I’m not sure it’s just a phenomenon anymore. While most people in the real world are relatively nice and prosocial, over the last few years we have seen grievance politics bleed into the real world – with dangerous consequences

In the wake of the Southport murders, in which three poor little girls had their lives stolen from them, we saw how communities clashed with one another. People were whipped up by opportunists and hate merchants, many took to the streets and looted shops, attacked police officers, Mosques were vandalised – and people tried to set fire to a hotel housing asylum seekers. Every society faces moments where people are angry, where social cohesion is fracturing, and where people weaponize discontent for their own benefit. But this is growing out of control.

Just before I started writing this I saw a tweet from Nick Timothy, the Tory MP for West Suffolk and Shadow Justice Secretary. He attached to this tweet a video of Muslims praying in Trafalgar Square, including Sadiq Khan, and unapologetically called it an “act of domination and division”. This rhetoric isn’t just confined to the darkest corners where the far-right mingle, but it is being espoused by Members of Parliament, and being fuelled by bots, trolls, and agitators. While this may seem hyperbolic to some, I fear that this poses a grave threat to all of us, and it’s worth taking seriously.

I don’t care about whether a badger is put on a bank note, and nor should our party’s leader. We should not give oxygen to petty, transient squabbles published in tabloids, but we seriously need to consider how we address this breakdown in social cohesion. It is simply not enough to abstractly call out Reform’s divisive politics, and it does not stand up for those being affected by the culture war politics of today. We should have no fear in holding people like Nick Timothy MP to account, nor should we sit by and let outrage merchants tarnish social cohesion for profit.

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The Green Threat

A post on X from Luke Tryl, the UK Director of More in Common, the other day changed how I viewed the rise of the Green Party. The post was in response to the latest polling from Ipsos, which had us sitting on just 9%, the lowest we’ve polled since the 2024 General Election. 

In the post he said, ‘If the Lib Dems go into May with the Greens eating at their progressive flank it could well limit their gains in e.g. the new East and West Surrey councils, Sussex and other south east districts’. As a longstanding member in Sussex this obviously concerned me, so I set about trying to disprove his notion.

Unfortunately, I now believe he may be correct. Firstly, while we often think of the rise of the Greens eating away at the Labour vote, which it most certainly is, our polling is not untouched. According to YouGov, those who voted Lib Dem at the 2024 election, and say they will again, stood at 80% in May 2025 but now sit at only 68%. While this is better than most other parties, only 44% of 2024 Labour voters say they’ll vote for the party again; it is a notable shift in our polling. Almost all of this change has been caused by the Greens, with only 3% of 2024 Lib Dems saying they’d vote for the Greens in May 2025 to now, when the figure stands at 17%.

The steady march of the Greens amongst 2024 Lib Dems is likely to pose real problems in the local elections. While it isn’t likely the Greens will take seats from us, it is possible they will prevent us from making gains by splitting our vote and allowing Reform or a wounded Conservative Party to slip through the middle. In Sussex, signs of this happening were occurring even before Zack Polanski took over the Greens. At Horsham District Council’s Denne by-election in November 2024, a strong showing from the Greens meant that a safe Lib Dem ward was gained by the Tories. A similar story occurred at Arun District Council’s Marine by-election, where Reform gained the seat, with us placing a close second due to the Greens standing a candidate for the first time. 

With the Greens now having a stronger base of voters, they are more likely to cause us damage in places like Sussex, where we need to be making gains to consolidate our General Election wins. 

Other polling also paints a difficult picture. While Ed Davey has remained one of the most popular party leaders, he has now been overtaken by Zack Polanski in an important metric, those who say they ‘don’t know’. According to Ipsos, 36% of voters don’t know their opinion on Ed Davey, while 33% don’t know about Zack Polanski. While this isn’t a major difference, Ed Davey has been party leader for 6 years and still has over a third of people not holding an opinion on him. In comparison, Zack Polanski has only been the Green leader for just over 6 months and has already overtaken Sir Ed. 

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Sadness and pride as Scottish Asssisted Dying Bill falls

I’m full of emotion tonight. Sad that the Scottish Parliament rejected the Assisted Dying (Terminally Ill Adults) Bill which would have made us the first nation in the UK to allow assisted dying for those with less than 6 months to live if they wanted it.

After a week of late night sittings considering amendments, the Bill fell at its final hurdle by 57 votes to 69.

I’m also proud, though. Immensely proud. Liam McArthur could have done no more. His calm, his persuasive efforts to build support for this measure beyond any of its predecessors, taking it through to …

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Invisible at Wembley: what the Liberal Democrats keep getting wrong on trans rights

On Wednesday night, ten thousand people filled OVO Arena Wembley for Trans Mission: A Solidarity Concert. It was a four-hour, star-studded declaration that trans people in this country are not alone – and that the hostility directed at them is not going unanswered. Olly Alexander, the Sugababes, Wolf Alice, Adam Lambert, Ian McKellen reading Shakespeare. A mother speaking about her daughter Alice, who is no longer alive, asking the crowd to dance for those who can no longer dance for themselves. A standing ovation that shook the building.

One politician was on that stage. Zack Polanski, leader of the Green Party, received what was described as the warmest of welcomes. His speech was filmed, shared, and celebrated. His post-event tweet gathered nearly 144,000 views.

Ed Davey was also there that night.

You would not know it from anything the party put out.

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One Hub, Two Services: Why Police and Healthcare Should Share the Same Front Door

Across the United Kingdom, the role of the local high street is changing. Many of the civic buildings that once anchored communities, such as local police stations, small health centres, and council offices, are gradually disappearing as services modernise and budgets tighten. While change is inevitable, it raises an important question: how can we keep public services visible, accessible, and connected to the communities they serve?

One promising answer is the Integrated Community Hub. This would be a shared public building where Community Minor Injury Units (MIUs) and Neighbourhood Police Teams operate under the same roof. Rather than maintaining separate facilities scattered across towns and cities, a hub creates a single, welcoming location where residents can access help, advice, and care.

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Mathew on Monday: Serious Times Demand Serious Leadership – Ed Davey needs to stop with the clowning around

These are not normal political times. These are not easy times. And they are certainly not times when large swathes of the electorate is crying out for gimmicks, distractions, or anything that looks remotely unserious. They are times of international instability, economic uncertainty, pressure on public services, and a deep distrust in politics. In moments like these, what voters are looking for above all else is seriousness, serious ideas. Serious tone, serious leadership.

Which is why, for many of us watching Ed Davey’s speech at Spring Conference in York yesterday, there was such deep frustration. Because there were good things in what he said. There were important themes about Britain’s place in the world, about security, and about the values we champion as Liberal Democrats.

But all of that was immediately overshadowed by what came next. The dancing.

At best it looked tone-deaf. At worst it looked profoundly inappropriate given the gravity of the times we are living through. To say it was inappropriate is an understatement.

Politics is about judgement. And leadership is about understanding the mood of the country. Voters who are worried about paying their bills, worried about the NHS, worried about global instability, are not asking whether politicians can dance (in Portcullis House or, indeed, the floor of Conference). They are asking whether they can lead.

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Nuclear deterrent?

It’s the wrong time for any serious party leader to advocate getting rid of our nuclear weapons. Yesterday, Ed probably said the most sensible thing anyone could say. If we’re going to keep nuclear weapons, there is now a pressing need for them to be British.

It’s been said that it might be possible to jailbreak an F35. It’s also been said it doesn’t work like that. I don’t know if you can jailbreak a nuclear missile, but maybe we should have somebody working on it.*

But there is a substantial argument that our nuclear weapons will soon be useless – if they aren’t already – and the massive amounts of money spent on them prevents us from building up arms and capacity that we could actually use. And in my view we need to have a serious discussion about that.

Firstly, the unique characteristic of our deterrent is that it hides. Nobody knows where it is. Within a few years, I think five at most, that feature will be lost. Seagoing drones are already being used effectively. It will not be long before someone litters the oceans with drones. One will sit outside Faslane, watch as our nuclear sub sets sail, and hand it off to its mate as the sub gets out of range. And then everybody will know where HMS Vengeance is all the time, and our deterrent will be worthless.

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Reuniting with Europe: Rebuilding What Brexit Broke

Six years after Britain left the European Union, the promise that we would “take back control” rings hollow. The truth is painful: Brexit has weakened our country. It has diminished our prosperity, our standing, and our confidence. What was sold as liberation has instead become a slow estrangement from our closest allies and from the European identity that once helped define us as an open, confident nation.

For Liberal Democrats, the damage goes deeper than trade or economics. Brexit was a rejection of something essential: our belief that Britain’s strength lies in cooperation and shared purpose. It narrowed our horizons and encouraged a politics of resentment and blame. For millions who see themselves as both British and European, it felt like being written out of the story of our own nation.

The Damage Done

Brexit has left marks on every part of our national life. Small firms struggle with new border checks that slow exports and drain their budgets. Farmers face endless forms and higher costs. Musicians and creative workers have lost easy access to European tours. Investment has slumped, and the “global trade revolution” we were told to expect has produced little reward.

Yet the damage is not only economic. It is emotional, generational, and cultural. For young people, the Continent is no longer a place of effortless study, work, and discovery. The loss of Erasmus+ was not a policy detail but a breaking of connection. Freedom of movement, once taken for granted, is now a memory, and many Britons are only beginning to understand what that freedom meant. Families that once moved easily between London and Lisbon or Glasgow and Athens now feel distance where closeness used to be.

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Read and watch: Ed Davey’s speech to Conference

Ed Davey’s speech to Conference yesterday is already proving controversial within the party. His announcement that we are now calling for the country to develop its own independent nuclear deterrent had one member in tears and others mystified. Given that we will be debating a paper on international security in Autumn, people were wondering why that proposal could not have been properly announced as part of that process.

Anything to do with nuclear weapons has long been an emotive issue for the party.  Over dinner the other night, we were talking about the (before my time) leadership defeat on its proposal of developing a nuclear weapon with France at the Eastbourne Liberal Assembly. What will happen on the 40th anniversary of that? We have had many knife edge debates on this subject which have often led to fudge and long grass and the “part time submarine” coalition era proposal is ridiculed every Glee Club to the tune of Yellow Submarine.

The world is a different place now. The Cold War was thawing back in 1986 and people were feeling more optimistic. Having an erratic narcissist with neither understanding of or respect for international law makes everything a lot more complex and the global situation a lot more dangerous. When Conference comes to vote on this proposal, what will today’s members think? Will they consider that spending so much on nuclear weapons is what we need to do to keep our country safe or is the answer more soldiers, navy officers and airforce personnel?

However much you love Ed Davey’s stunts, and I love them a lot, most of the time,  I do have to think that coming on stage to Daddy Cool, complete with Macron style sunglasses, was an interesting choice when he was just about to talk about spending gazillions on a whole new generation of weapon of mass destruction. I guess it shows he has range.

Anyway, the video of his speech is below so you can watch for yourself. And below that is the text as specifically requested by one of our readers. This comes probably much later than he might have liked but the company and the black cherry gin at the Mason’s Arms was too good.

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Paul’s conference diary part two

Emergency motion – for my sins, I once got an emergency motion (on the situation in Fiji, since you ask) onto the ballot at a Bournemouth conference. Baroness Ludford was very sympathetic to it. It wasn’t chosen in the ballot but it gave me an appreciation of the work and energy involved into putting forward an emergency motion to conference. So, well done to the Young Liberals for getting “A Liberal Future for Under 18s” into the hall for debate. The Tories are proposing an outright ban on social media for under 16s following the ban in Australia (the home of compulsory voting). The answer to any such ban is three letters: VPN. It takes away a lifeline for teenagers discovering their identity, throwing the baby out with the bath water. This motion sensibly proposed a film style age rating system.

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Anna Sabine’s speech to Conference

Lib Dem Culture and Media sportsperson Anna Sabine delivered a robust defence of the BBC in her keynote speech to Conference yesterday.

She compared our public service broadcaster to the dreadful right wing news channels which broadcast the most outrageous and emotive misinformation.

She set out Lib Dem plans to protect the BBC – a supermajority and ratification by all nations for any changes in its charter to be implemented, and banning all political appointments to the BBC board among them.

There is even mention of farting.

Enjoy!

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What’s on at Conference today?

Today at Conference, after a hotly contested emergency motions ballot, Conference will be debating a motion by the Young Liberals which would introduce a ratings system for social media for under 18s. You can read it in Conference Extra here.

Local Government finance and a motion on how to deal with Trump’s increasingly illegal and dangerous policies are also on the agenda before Conference ends with Ed Davey’s keynote speech.

Here’s the full agenda:

09.00–09.30

F15 Emergency motion – Social media for under 18s

09.30–10.00

F16 Question and Answer Session: Parliamentary Parties

10.00-10.15

F17 Speech: Peter Taylor, Elected Mayor of Watford

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The best chance of voting reform in a generation

Invigorating. That’s the best word to sum up the LDER (Liberal Democrats For Electoral Reform) fringe last night.

The panel, brimming with optimism and passion, was (L to R in the photo above): Chair Keith Sharp (LDER), Emma Harrison (Make Votes Matter), Lena Swedlow (Deputy Director, Compass), Lisa Smart MP (Cabinet Office spokesperson & Vice Chair Fair Elections APPG (All Party Parliamentary Group)).

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Paul’s conference diary

Arriving in York, I was reminded of what a wonderful city this is. To watch the beautiful Ouse meandering amidst some wonderful old buildings, is enough to raise anyone’s spirits.

On Friday evening, at the historic Mason’s Arms, it was great to see old friends and enjoy marvellous food.

Today, I did a tour of the exhibition hall and bought my customary LGBT+ badge, signed up for Liberal Democrats for Electoral Reform and supported Liberal Democrat Friends of Hong Kong.

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All the fun of the rally

While the Lib Dem Voice team were having delicious food in the Mason’s Arms last night, the loud and raucous Conference rally was taking place. The rally is like Glee Club and marmite and all these things you either love or don’t. I’m more on the “don’t” side because it just seems a bit like an American convention rather than a British Conference, but others love the fun and spirit and theatre of it.

I always feel like you can watch things like this later, but the chance to spend time with friends is precious so that’s what I tend to do.

So, here, for your entertainment, is all the fun of the rally.

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What’s on at Conference today?

Greetings from my very comfy bed in York where I have spent most of my time since I arrived at lunchtime yesterday. I did manage to get out to make sure that the Mason’s Arms had an adequate of supply of Black Cherry gin and catch up with Lib Dem Voice colleagues, with more of us in one place at any time since Bournemouth 2019. Mary Reid, Mark Valladares, Paul Walter, Charley Hasted and I are all around so do come and say hello.

A Q and A from Ed Davey, speeches from MPs Anna Sabine and James MacCleary and debates on issues such as access to driving tests and lessons (which will see an effort to refer it back), preserving trial by jury, a liberal vision for universities, and mental health form today’s fun at Conference.

Don’t forget to try and wander round the exhibition as well and find out what the party’s affiliated organisations and some external bodies want to talk to us about.

If you are not here, you can watch on the livestream here.

Whatever you are doing, have a super day.

Here’s the full agenda.

There are, of course a plethora of training events and fringe meetings which you can find out about, along with the text of the motions, in the agenda and Conference Extra here.

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ALDC’s by-election report – 12 March 2026

There were five principal council by-elections this week, of which all had a Liberal Democrat candidate on the ballot. Three council seats were being defended by us.

We held this seat in the Cotswolds with a solid lead while the right‑of‑centre vote splintered, leaving Reform as the nearest challenger and the Conservatives slipping to third place. Congratulations are due to Councillor Paul Evans and the local Liberal Democrat team for ensuring that this seat remained Liberal Democrat.

Cotswold District Council, The Beeches
Liberal Democrats (Paul Evans): 390 (52.7%, -3.0)
Reform UK: 168 (22.7%, new)
Conservatives: 122 (16.5%, -17.9)
Green: 53 (7.2%, -3.0)
Labour: 7 (0.9%, new)

Liberal Democrat HOLD

Turnout: 33.8%


In Oxfordshire, we were able to gain this seat from the Greens in this two-member ward, with Reform finishing well behind in third place. Congratulations are due to Councillor Caleb Pell and the local Liberal Democrat team for this result.

Vale of White Horse District Council, Abingdon Abbey Northcourt
Liberal Democrats (Caleb Pell): 647 (43.7%, +1.9)
Green Party: 480 (32.5%, -3.3)
Reform UK: 204 (13.8%, new)
Conservative: 101 (6.8%, -5.7)
Labour: 47 (3.2%, -6.5)

Liberal Democrats GAIN from Green Party

Turnout: 31.6%


In Penrith, we were able to hold off Reform and ensure that we retained this council seat. Congratulations are due to Councillor Barbara Jayson and the local Liberal Democrat team.

Westmorland and Furness Council, Penrith South
Liberal Democrats (Barbara Jayson): 749 (43.1%, -1.5)
Reform UK: 588 (33.9%, new)
Green Party: 225 (13.0%, +2.6%)
Conservatives: 173 (10.0%, – 15.5%)

Liberal Democrat HOLD

Turnout 23.5%

Meanwhile, in Liverpool, we unsuccessfully defended this council seat, slipping behind the Greens. Commiserations are due to Dave Thomas and the local Liberal Democrat team.

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